On February 21st, approximately a dozen anti-fascists dropped a banner on Vancouver’s Georgia st. Viaduct reading “No War but Class War. Grade A Grifter/Garbage Human. Go Back to Sleep, JP (Jordan Peterson)” in response to a speaking event by Peterson that evening. The banner was visible to downtown traffic via Main Street and was placed to be seen by many of the three thousand attendees commuting to listen to Peterson, who was hosted at the Queen Elizabeth theatre by the City of Vancouver.
In the weeks leading up to the event, activists distributed hundreds of pamphlets and posters across the city, contacted the union at Queen Elizabeth on behalf of concerned workers and tabled in several locations throughout the city spreading awareness.
Over the past few months, several sections of the coastal gaslink pipeline have been vandalized. Financially, the consequences of each act were minor: a few holes in the pipeline here, some corroded welding seams there, damaged concrete here. Our goal was to contribute to the small delays in a project that was already well over budget.
We drilled holes less than a penny wide in a section of pipe that had not yet been lowered into the trench. We covered the holes with fiberglass film, which temporarily prevents leaks in the pipes, but only lasts a few months. We know that welded sections of coated pipe are assessed before being lowered into the trench. After the trench is backfilled, they are tested under pressure. The holes were sealed in the hope that they would pass the first pressure test, but will have to be excavated and repaired before the pipeline is completed. This occurred during the last week of October on section 8 of the pipeline, between Kilometers 610 and 613.
Between 585 and 588 kilometers of the pipeline, we found a section of pipe that had been dug out, so we damaged the coating at the joints by chipping and sanding it off in less visible places. This coating is needed to protect the pipe from corrosion and rust. We did this in early November. We liked this approach because the damage is not visible, but can still have a significant long-term structural impact if corrosion and rust show up, so it will need to be fixed.
We drilled very small holes and filled them this time with an epoxy putty, somewhere between Kilometers 605 and 608 of the pipeline route (that’s in section 8.) We did this in the second week of November. We weren’t sure if the sealant would withstand the pressure test, but decided it was worth a try since this sealant is easier to source and use than the fiberglass coating.
At the end of November, we drilled and filled holes in the pipe string before it would be lowered into section 6 of the pipeline between Kilometers 486 and 489.
In early December, we chipped and busted the welds on a section of pipe that had not yet been lowered into the trench between Kilometers 606 and 609.
We damaged the protective coating on a section of pipe by chipping and grinding, and chipped a welded seam on several sections of pipe before they were backfilled between Kilometer 377 and 380 of section 5 of the pipeline. This work was performed in early January.
Near Kilometer 27 of North Hirsch forestry road we damaged welds and coating on a pipe section in the middle of January.
We poured hydrochloric acid on the concrete pipes we knew were meant for the tunnel under Wedzin Kwa and used a concrete drill inside the pipe to weaken them even further. The concrete pipes are designed to protect the pipe itself from the pressure of the surrounding soil. Given the heightened security and surveillance of concrete pipe storage, we can’t say when this happened.
In early December, we grinded and chipped the coating on the welded seams of the pipe sections between Kilometers 598 to 601.
In mid February, we scraped and chipped large portions of the pipe coating of the string between Kilometers 626 and 629.
Or is that in fact what happened? Only some of these activities have actually taken place. We waited to share this information all at once, complete with some additional false reports, so the only way to know where repairs are really needed is to excavate and re-examine all the above-mentioned pipes. Cracked concrete or rusted and patched pipes can lead to small leaks and large-scale spills, which is why every action, whether genuine or falsified, is being brought to the attention of the public long before the pipeline is operational.
While we would prefer to write only completely honest report backs, we also believe that we should be resourceful and use every means at our disposal to delay construction as best we can. We apologize to those involved in the struggle for not being able to give you an accurate picture of what we have really accomplished. CGL we wish you all the best in your treasure hunt.
On Monday, January 23rd a crowd of masked people coalesced in Musqueam, Squamish, and Tsleil-Waututh territory, taking over Cambie street near city hall. We walked up the road, singing, chanting, and holding signs to express our support for the Atlanta forest defenders and our rage at another life lost to police violence. At one point in the walk, an Indigenous man leaned out of his apartment window facing onto the street to drum along with our singing.
After blocking traffic for a 2 kilometer walk we arrived at Queen Elisabeth Park and dissappeared among the trees, where we shared words and silence in honour of Tortuguita.
The music scene has a long history of resistance to white nationalist predation and profiteering. Repackaging fascist bands and their social networks does not erase their history of genocidal violence nor the need to resist them. On January 17th Luzifaust and his band Vastatum return to the stage, this time at Bully’s Studios in New Westminster. On February 25th, Luzifaust’s other project Kafirun are set to play at the Hollywood Theatre in Vancouver, B.C., opening for Rotting Christ.
This article was written by some anarcho ex-soggies and is reproduced from their submission to Creeker.
The History of Save Old Growth: by means of an update and epilogue
In the Creeker II article “Know Your ENGO Enemies”, it remained to be seen the trajectory of the organization Save Old Growth (SOG). For the sake of movement history, it shall be reiterated here.
In late 2021, Roger Hallam, newly exiled from Extinction Rebellion (XR) for his inability to work with others, began unofficially leading an international offshoot of XR: the A22 Network. While a distinct entity from XR, A22 receives funding from the same source—the Climate Emergency Fund (CEF).
Similar to XR London, XR Vancouver was split between those who wanted more arrestable actions and those who needed a chance to heal. The A22 Network, desirous of a Canadian chapter, wooed the most eager members of XR with an opportunity to be paid for more headline grabbing actions. Within the A22 Network, 10 other countries compete with one another for a limited money pool: mass numbers of sacrificial arrests are required for media attention, and mass numbers of arrest are required to be competitive for funding.
In its first two iterations from January to April, SOG convinced dozens of people to surrender to the state in a multitude of barely-disruptive highway actions. SOG’s actions were generally to block the Trans-Canada Highway by gluing hands to pavement, obtaining fifteen minutes of block time at great personal cost. By April, two of the five founders left because of the pushiest central organizer: Zain Haq (King Push). In the run up to the June Blockades, King Push fought the combined wisdom of the rest of SOG, who argued that there were insufficient humans and resources to sustain three blockades. The June blockades were a fiasco and King Push managed to push out two more central organizers. Thousands of hours of organizing went into marketing, recruiting, and planning the blockades. Originally conceived of as three highway occupations, solicitations went out to sustain camps of dozens of humans, bands were hired, cars for hardblocks purchased and modified, and hundreds of posters announcing the June blockades were wheatpasted throughout the cities. With little security culture practiced—King Push rolled his eyes at any mention of subterfuge—law enforcement was well aware of both the location and times of the blockades. Any criticism by volunteers was chastised as negativity: build it and they will come! At the Massey tunnel, fifteen minutes of block time was achieved before everyone on the action was arrested and the campers on the Tsawwassen beach chased off. A very hesitant protestor climbed a hastily constructed ladder structure near the Swartz Bay ferry terminal, and had that structure assaulted by a motorist. After breaking his pelvis and being arrested, the mood was too dour, and everyone left camp. At the Iron Worker’s Memorial Bridge, action participants arrived to find that three of the four cars parked near the blockade were already being towed away by police. A single car managed to careen onto the freeway in pursuit, but none of the passengers were able to lock in quickly enough. It was a humorous sight indeed to watch the musicians scattering around the sidewalks of the bridge as they rapidly realized there was not going to be a blockade, let alone a rock concert. Someone in active psychosis, who had attended only two meetings, was seen giving press interviews and had to hastily be squirreled away… unadulterated fiasco.
King Push would not apologize nor take any responsibility, and all the remaining organizers asked him to leave. At this time, new organizers emerged creating a more consent-oriented culture recognizing the need to properly vet candidates and proactively provide information of the consequences of arrest, as well as take better care of people in the court aftermath. But it was too late. As the court system requires months to grind their injustices, new media stories emerged from individuals about manipulation, push culture, and of people feeling abandoned. The remaining organizers could not deny full-throatedly the veracity of the stories coming out. They recognized the SOG brand was toxic and deserved the reprobation and scorn it was receiving. They realized that it was no longer recruiting and as the crown prosecutor was increasing the carceral outcome—SOG would only increase the penalty to any group fighting in the streets of Vancouver on this (or any other) issue, without moving the legislative needle. Most of the organizers came to realize that SOG was doing harm to the entire movement and decided to shut it down. They were unable to shut it down. So many people had swallowed Roger Hallam’s Kool-Aid on “nonviolent civil disobedience” so thirstily, that they were literally convinced that if this specific tactic—whether it was succeeding or not—was not being used, all resistance was at a stand still and the world was over. The A22 Network would not let this tactic disappear in Canada, and King Push had started a new campaign with identical tactics and the backing of Roger Hallam, and that’s where you get Stop Fracking Around.
Push Culture: An Arrest MLM
Sitting in a Save Old Growth actionplanning meeting, an organizer looks around at all the people who have been arrested too many times and their eyes furtively avoiding capture, awkwardly worried about their continued role in the organization. The organizer asks: Are you willing to be arrested? If no one is willing, we can’t have an action tomorrow. And if no one is willing, who can we call, spend all night frantically calling?
At a recruitment meeting, an organizer jokes about how they miss getting arrested, miss the feeling of handcuffs; it’s been too long. Are you willing to participate? Are you willing to risk arrest? If so, are you willing to glue?
Fresh meat needs to be informed a little bit about the consequences of arrest but not too much. We don’t want to scare them away. The prosecutor is increasing the sentences. We’re not sure what the sentences are if they get arrested now. We could tell them that we’re unsure or we can tell them old news… just some community service. We need an action tomorrow after all. We need arrests.
Months and months after the actions, lonely arrestees wish they had more support in court. Where are those organizers now? Meanwhile, King Push gets hailed by national media as a hero, facing deportation, but is never seen at any of the legal solidarity meetings. For King Push, these humans were resources, necessary collateral damage. He didn’t really care. At the recruitment meeting, he was so interested when you told him you’d consider arrest, but now, at the courthouse, where did he go? Students facing months-long curfews, fines they cannot afford, and King Push smiles and looks away. It’s for the greater good, he’ll say. Intermediary arrest-convincers now recognize the damage they’ve done, the friendships they’ve burned, resistance members they’ve pushed away. Organizers find out that King Push had threatened to end friendships for the sake of one more arrest… tomorrow’s arrest. Like the CEO looking at quarterly profit, King Push knows the attention economy and his funding depend on every other tomorrow. A trail of burnt-out resisters, broken promises, and too many arrests. The state’s eyes fully open to the once possible future insurrectionary fighters. So many resistors are now registered with criminal records with the state, probationary conditions, and all the fear and trepidation repression brings.
Arrests aren’t even enough for King Push: his mentor, Roger Hallam, requires remand. Protestors must be herded through symbolic arrests continuously until they are held on pre-trial detention. What happens to their apartment or their bills? That’s not King Push’s problem. More souls for the grinder.
When XR Montreal realized his serpentine tactics they told him where to go. When Save Old Growth realized his unscrupulous nature and amoral character, they told him they could no longer work together. Then he founded Stop Fracking Around, hoping to hitch his civil disobedient tactic to the Shut Down Canada movement and the Wet’suwet’en struggle. Getting paid to find all the revolutionary fighters in an area and get them arrested is what cops do!
Militants new to this movement, don’t listen to those who try to convince you to surrender happily to the state. Form affinity groups with people you trust, cause actual disruption with the goal of disruption, not the goal of arrest. The logic of Save Old Growth/Stop Fracking Around, a crooked ‘mean/ends’ analysis which seeks to treat those considering resistance solely as a means to leadership’s end, is not constrained to this organization. We see it, usually walking hand in hand with the NGO industrial complex, in so many spaces of resistance. It is the logic of XR and of Earth First!, and we’ve seen it practiced recently far beyond the streets of Vancouver (Stop Line 3, Fairy Creek, etc.) The crown of King Push is worn widely by many would-be kings. The cannon fodder of these movements cannot sustain the repression (dozens of trips to court, fines & legal fees, probation conditions, the trauma of arrest & detention), and are often pushed out of the movement and back into the system. Disruption and anonymity are sustainable, and anyone putting on uncomfortable pressure is not building sustainable movements. “How comfortable are we all with this” should be a paramount concern of action planning, as it is only “we” who keeps “us” safe.
Removing the fangs of a movement: the emergence of the professional messaging class
Just as the Stand.Earth types became the spokespeople at the end of Clayoquat Sound, so too did the Last.Stand types eventually become the curator of the memory of Fairy Creek. What was once a message of Land Back and radical resistance became a narrative of liberal reform and a social media awareness campaign. There is a certain creeping type who, with smiles and offers of assistance, sneaks its way in the door promising a professional media expertise: I know all the reporters and politicos. I can get your message out. I can be in charge of your social media.
This class claims to be professional and for a small stipend they’ll provide their assistance. Who knows how many campaigns they are working for simultaneously? How many banners of dead campaigns do they hold like so many crumbs in their talons? At first they assure they won’t lead, only advise. But their moderating presence is felt almost immediately: Oh, that sounds too militant. You should be courting good citizens in good standing. And no masks… masks make you look like an eco-terrorist.
This class has its own agenda. They are unwilling to risk arrest themselves, though they recognize that arrestees have a sincerity in the minds of the public. They use these arrestees as their mouthpiece: is it ok if I use your name to quote my lobbyist playscript? I need the names of my ‘honorable arrestees’. I need names to speak for.
Before you know it, they are asking if the radicals would be willing to work with the politicos. Maybe since you land defenders are trusted, you could work on anNDP campaign. And paid as this class is, by multiple nebulous ENGOs simultaneously, when everything is crested and the banner is being dropped, it is this professional messaging class who still holds the microphone, still asks for funding for curating a dead media abandoned by militant land defenders. Ada’itsx, Rainforest Flying Squad, Save Old Growth all controlled by those who are the non-militant spokespeople of ancient movements all sounding eerily like one another. These media experts continue to be paid, as they now control the donation boxes, while the radicals who fought in these movements materially struggle to keep fighting. And these experts, be they messaging professionals or unarrestable, careerist, parachuting photographers, position themselves as the reformist authors of movement epitaphs.
Stop Fracking Around will attempt to do this with Shut Down Canada if we let them. Shut Down Canada cannot and will never be liberal reformist. If King Push asks you to get arrested, tell him to frack the frack off.
The above article is copied from a PDF which was originally submitted to Creeker. You can download the original PDF below or from Creeker.
While January 2021 was marked by Far Right events leading up to and including J6 in Washington, D.C., January 2022 gained international headlines with a Far Right truck convoy that landed in Ottawa, Canada. Both capital city occupations had extensive media coverage of the various formations of Far Right and white nationalist individuals and organizations that converged for these events. In so-called Canada, the media highlighted the role of Pat King (United we Roll), Tyler Russell and others from Canada First (Groypers), and Diagalon—whose members had their arms cache seized at the Coutts, Alberta border blockade, one of several held in tandem to the Ottawa occupation (https://www.thestar.com/news/canada/2022/08/26/diagolon-founder-jeremy-mackenzie-faces-assault-weapons-charges-in-saskatchewan.html). Subsequent government hearings raised concerns over a swastika flag seen among many other Far-right affiliated flags. One image, that of a truck in Ottawa bearing the telltale sign of a group banned by the Canadian state as a terrorist organization—and one that played a key role in J6—slipped by, barely noticed. (https://pressprogress.ca/photo-shows-ontario-mpp-randy-hillier-with-flag-of-group-linked-to-armed-freedom-convoy-plot/). This group calls themselves the “Three Percenters”, or “Threepers” for short.
Nowlin was involved with BC based truck convoys including one in February 2022 that attempted to go through Vancouver. Widespread resistance to the convoy forced organizers to re-direct subsequent convoys to the rural Surrey border crossing. This indicates that his sphere of influence and interest is beyond the rural areas of BC from which he is based. With the spotlight elsewhere, Nowlin ended 2022 making ready their paramilitary organizing into a private security outfit due to launch in January 2023. Nowlin has advertised his private security outfit as the “Canadian Sheepdogs Securities” along with his recruitment post about the Kindred. Replete with backwoods training in advanced firearms training, security training, personal protection, patrol, stationary, and first-aid, these far-right actors have advanced militant capacity and now a legal pretense for their boots on the ground.
Nowlin stated on his public Facebook page that they are looking for contracts to expand their operations. This would provide a material and legal way to bring paramilitary groups to both rural and urban places. As the Far Right and white nationalists continue to press their bigoted agenda by way of confrontations at libraries, school boards and community centres, their frequency and militancy increase the risks for serious harms. Should the re-branded Three Percenters model prove successful as a para-militarized private security force, others may follow Nowlin’s lead in creating their own in Canada. Far-right paramilitary organizations outfitting themselves as private security is already a model in the United States (https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2017/jul/01/portland-far-right-rally-republicans-militia-security) . Antifascists on the Canadian side of the border will need to think strategically while confronting fascist organizing in this new era and learn hard won counter organizing lessons.
Nowlin has been very clear identifying his enemies. In addition to the Muslim community which were the primary target of the Soldiers of Odin, he staunchly denounces antifascists and supporters of the Black Lives Matter movement. This is consistent with the Three Percenter’s ideology and actions in the US that target antifascists and BLM protesters. Despite his re-branding, the worldview and politics are fundamentally the same.
The media often mis-characterizes the Three Percenters and other Far Right armed militias as “anti-government”. At first glace, it’s easy to equate their plots to kidnap and execute US government officials as “anti-government”; however, it is a deeply misleading take that centrists and fascists use to conflate anarchism with fascism (https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/terrorist-list-three-percenters-1.6079984). Rather than being “anti-government”, they want to be the government, re-entrenching historic and contemporary inequalities and bigoted hierarchies. The paramilitary route is to train and become the armed branch of a supremacist government that they wish to prefigure into existence.
One important factor to analyze from the surging proliferation of far-right groups is not only their propaganda to incite a “race war” but also the material steps taken to make it a reality. The disturbing strategic advantage of Nowlin’s group is the attempt to legitimatize themselves with the legal protections and economic benefits of a private security company while providing para-militarized support and intelligence gathering to far-right and white nationalist organizers. It would be wise to know the level of militancy that is being exercised and the material capacity of the far-right both on and off the field – January 2023 is here.
In the early hours of Oct 26th several RCMP C-IRG vehicles were lit on fire in the Smithers Sunshine Inn parking lot.
As you read this, Coastal GasLink drills beneath the sacred headwaters of the Wedzin Kwa. The ground shakes in Wet’suwet’en territories. For every tremor of the earth as they drive their borehead and blast their explosives through riverbed and rock, right beneath schools of spawning salmon, tremors of pain and rage reverberate through the hearts of those who still have space to feel it.
Death surrounds us. Salmon die en masse as creeks run dry. Massive areas of once-flourishing rainforest burn. A billion snow crabs disappear and die in Alaska. Climate chaos runs rampant while mega projects churn the living world into a living nightmare. So many people pass out of this world too soon. Maybe it gets called suicide. Or overdose. Or stroke. Maybe it is a police bullet that rips through flesh and organs. All of this is the manifestation of the unbearable pain, suffering and violence brought on by colonialism and the state.
In “british columbia” it is the RCMP who defend and enforce this violence. And where extractive industries meet indigenous resistance the RCMP employ a specialized division called Community-Industry Response Group. It is C-IRG cops who volunteer to raid, surveil, harass, and brutalize land defenders on behalf of their corporate masters.
Early on October 26th four C-IRG vehicles in Smithers were set ablaze while C-IRG officers slept just meters away. The fires damaged or destroyed all four trucks and spread to several industry vehicles and an ambulance in the parking lot. The CGL and BC Hydro trucks burned are hardly regrettable. The damaged ambulance was unfortunate and unintended. No one was injured in this action because steps were taken to ensure no one would be. Vehicles were only lit where it was certain fire would not spread to structures or endanger life.
The violence enacted by industry and enforced by the police damns an entire planet to a fiery desertified future. Recognizing the fact that each of us has a stake in this struggle means recognizing the importance of acting with our own agency, autonomy, and urgency. We must all sharpen our pain into the determination necessary to act against those responsible for our suffering.
There are no words to be shared with government or industry that can change the core of their nature. These institutions are not people. They have no soul, no ethics, and no conscience. Their driving force is profit at any cost, and they cannot be negotiated or reasoned with.
Liberals and centrists want politics to be neat and tidy, within the bounds of respectability. The labeling of actions outside of these bounds as a ‘false flag’ operation severely limits our ability to broaden the scope of struggle and directly challenge the state’s violence. Successful movements utilize a broad set of tactics to achieve their goals. False flag accusations only serve to isolate those who choose to engage in more confrontational actions from broader support, which is dangerous and limiting. If there is a conspiracy here, it is the overt collusion between corporations and state forces to continue the legacy of genocidal violence on indigenous peoples and land.
Burning cop cars is easy. Taking the steps to prevent arrests is less so. Research methods that work; warriorup.noblogs.org is a good place to start. Use security oriented and open source tech tools on public WiFi for this, or better yet, go old-school and get books. Test your methods. Think carefully about how fire can spread to make sure you will not unintentionally burn down a building or cause injury. Know how to avoid leaving evidence. Think critically about the consequences of action as well as inaction. Trust your rebellious instincts and move with courage.
It has always been the time to fight. It still is.
I write this as someone who shared some brief, tender and fierce moments with you. It always amazes me how we can share such intense moments with people and barely know who they are beyond a certain moment – and it’s even more confusing when such people are suddenly gone from this world. It’s a gaping, jagged hole in the fabric of the universe that is incomprehensible and irreparable.
My mind tries to grasp the gravity of this loss for all the people that knew you much more intimately than I. Your lovers, your friends, and close comrades. I can only imagine the complicated mix of grief, loss, shock, and maybe some anger that people are feeling. I also know there are so many of us on the outside of this that are thinking of you all, holding strangers in our hearts, because fuck, this is so goddam unfair. We keep losing the good ones.
The moments I hope to keep ahold of are sadly mere flashes of memory: flashes of us taking a rest from work by the river; flashes of you laughing at all the shit-talking around the campfire; flashes of your quiet, calculating eyes taking in an unfolding scene, and the comfort of the nod you’d offer when we met eyes across a space. You were such a beautiful person. And I didn’t have to know you well to see that you also carried great pain.
I’m not exactly sure why I decided to make this a public post, maybe for others who knew you just a little like me, and maybe to let those who were so close to you know how far and wide you were loved and regarded.
As the rain finally returns and the temperatures drop, we would like to celebrate the change in season by announcing that Creeker Volume 3 has been released. The variety of submissions over the series has meant that, like the Fairy Creek blockades themselves, each volume is many things. However, slight themes seem to have emerged: if Volume 1 was more celebratory and Volume 2 was more critical, Volume 3 is perhaps more reflective.
The newest installment in the series includes history, poetry, collages, analysis, and reflection, plus a whole section dedicated to the inspiring forest defense currently happening in Atlanta.
The Creeker Companion Vol 2 is out now as well, featuring essays, poetry and communiques, touching on movement history, state repression, vigilantes, and more.
Creeker Vol 4 is slowly being put together and submissions are encouraged. Stories and art are especially welcome, but everything received will be considered. Send submissions to firstname.lastname@example.org by November 31.
A newly remastered version of a zine coming out of the Elaho blockade of 2001 has also been made available.
Below is a copy of Between Storms. This zine is designed to be printed in an 11×17 format, the center layout and texts may be difficult to read if your using regular paper.
We have assembled this publication in solidarity with the ongoing Wet’suwet’en resistance to industrial expansion. This struggle for Indigenous self determination and land defence has become a landmark moment of rupture across the colonial nation of Canada and beyond. We felt the need to compile this zine in an effort to take a step back and witness the breadth and fierceness of these last few years – with a particular focus on the year that has just passed since the start of ‘Coyote Camp’ and the specific battle against the attempt to drill under Wedzin Kwa.
Inside you will find an overview of Wet’suwet’en resistance from the emergence of Unistot’en Camp until the most recent endeavors on the Gidumt’en yintah, as well as the closely related Lihkts’amisyu actions and Gitxsan rail blockades nearby. We’ve included a centerfold map outlining the widespread scope of coast to coast solidarity actions from fall 2021 to summer 2022, along with communiques found online that offer reflections and analysis from people behind some of these actions. The topic of anti-repression and overturning the state’s attempts to isolate and criminalize us is also explored. A Well Oiled Trap introduces the history of the British common law, tracing it as foundational to the Canadian state, its justice system and colonial projects, outlining their incompatibility with our dreams. Lastly, we address another antipipeline fight brewing up in Gitxsan territory (Wet’suwet’ens neighbors and ancient allies); An analysis of the proposed related projects is presented in the article Face to Face with the Enemy: An Introduction to WCCGT line, PRGT line and Ksi Lisims LNG Terminal.